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PSA: GANG VIOLENCE DISRUPTS EMERGENCY CARE OPERATIONS IN HAITI; GLOBAL INSTITUTIONS NEEDED TO PROTECT HUMANITARIAN AND MEDICAL AID

  • Senior Editor
  • 1 day ago
  • 17 min read

Aman Bajwa, Ignacio Valdés Fuentes, Isobel Allen, Khushi Salian, Mekhala Jambholkar, Nirmal Jose, WATCH/GSOC Team

Meghan Terry, Editor; Jacqueline Heier, Editor; Elena Alice Rossetti, Senior Editor

October 26, 2025

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Haiti[1]

Introduction On October 15, 2025, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) announced that they’ve closed the emergency care center in Port-au-Prince due to the ongoing violence in Haiti.[2] MSF temporarily ceased its activity after a March incident where gang members shot at medical staff’s evacuation vehicles, resulting in multiple injuries.[3] After this attack, MSF deemed operations to be too dangerous, as they could no longer guarantee the safety of their staff and patients.[4] Gang violence has surged, with armed groups now controlling an estimated 90% of the capital.[5] Healthcare access is increasingly limited as gang members target MSF facilities and professionals to consolidate power and obtain medical supplies. With over 70% of medical facilities in Port-au-Prince already closed, the MSF’s withdrawal threatens access to life-saving care.[6] Gang control will likely intensify without intentional and coordinated security assistance, as well as the involvement of the Caribbean governments and UN troops. Displacement among Haitians and disease outbreaks will very likely increase should the healthcare infrastructure remain disrupted.

Summary

Gang violence produced the state's collapse, worsening the humanitarian crisis, which has caused an emergency health stoppage.[7] Since the end of the 15-year-long Blue Helmets peacekeeping mission in 2019,[8] the constant internal battles between gang coalitions, vigilante groups, and law enforcement have transformed the country into a warzone, with violence, disease outbreaks, and mass displacement.[9] Main gangs in the capital are divided into two coalitions, the G-Pèp and the G9 Family.[10] Other major gangs include 400 Mawozo, Nan Brooklyn, Viv Ansanm, and Gan Grif.[11] The instability in the region puts civilians at daily risk, which has forced MSF to restrict operations and temporarily close facilities at Port-au-Prince.[12] Public healthcare facilities have faced a shortage of medicines, staff, and supplies.[13] MSF has encountered severe targeting, which has endangered the staff and the patients.[14] Before the March 2025 attack on the organization’s vehicle that injured the staff in Port-au-Prince, MSF treated more than 300 patients between February 24 and March 2, and in February alone handled over 2500 medical consultations.[15] The Turgeau emergency center shut down due to security instability.[16] Turgeau Center has treated over 100,000 patients between 2021 and 2025.[17] With the Turgeau emergency center permanently shut down, there are only a few hospitals in Port-au-Prince affiliated to MSF, including Saint Louis hospital, specialized in surgery and post-operative and care for victims of sexual violence.[18] Other structures are: the trauma hospital in Tabarre, which is one of the last major trauma centers in the capital and is reaching its limits in terms of capacity, [19] Carrefour trauma hospital,[20] Hôpital Universitaire de la Paix, which remains extremely overloaded,[21] Carrefour Maternity Hospital, and Isaïe Jeanty Maternity Hospital, which should re-open.[22] Meanwhile, after the closure of the Turgeau emergency care center, the only MSF remaining one is in Drouillard, as per MSF 2024 data.[23]


In 2024, gang violence killed more than 5,600 people, a 150% increase from the previous year. Gangs target healthcare facilities and personnel through looting, arson, and intimidation,[24] to assert dominance, spread fear, and gain access to limited resources. According to the UN, gangs used sexual violence such as public rapes as a control mechanism, creating an alternative governance structure in controlled areas based on fear.[25]  Their hostility towards medical professionals stems from doctors' belief in treating anyone regardless of gang affiliation.[26] Armed groups oppose the medical practice of neutrality, resulting in the criminalization of medical care.[27] In gang-controlled neighborhoods, civilians avoid public transport and ambulances to reach medical facilities because they fear gangs will target them.[28] Gangs repeatedly kill patients en route to hospitals and abduct humanitarian workers.[29] In October 2024, a UN World Food Program (WFP) helicopter made an emergency landing after coming under gunfire.[30] In some of these cases, even the police have been involved. There is also a perception amongst self-defense and police organizations that MSF is protecting gangs or contributing to the violence by providing care for injured gang members who then go out and commit crimes once more.[31] The increased tension between the police and the organization led to a series of incidents in November 2024, which prompted MSF to suspend operations temporarily in Port-Au-Prince.[32] In one incident, members of a vigilante group and law enforcement officers stopped an MSF ambulance in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, and executed two patients.[33] The armed group surrounded the ambulance, slashed the tires, and tear-gassed MSF staff inside the vehicle to force them out.[34]


According to MSF data, Haiti is the poorest country in the western hemisphere, with a maternal mortality rate of 5.3 and a neonatal mortality rate of 2.4.[35] This has created a dire need for medical care in Port-au-Prince and its surrounding areas, which the 2021 earthquake has severely impacted. MSF has recently reopened a maternal and neonatal care facility in Port-Au-Piment, with additional upgrades. The newly upgraded facility focuses on providing surgical care for patients with obstetric complications and pre- and neonatal care. Since authorities have not repaired facilities in other areas, pregnant women and newborns receive limited care.[36] 


The shortage of medicine and medical supplies has prompted additional pressure on hospitals in Haiti as clinics are overwhelmed with patients with a variety of chronic illnesses such as diabetes, cancer, AIDS, and asthma. In Cité Soleil, the shortage at the MSF hospital has forced it to reduce its number of outpatients from 150 to 50. However, the MSF hospital continues to attend to all emergency cases. The hospital triages patients based on urgency to decide which 50 receive treatment.[37] The crisis has caused a dramatic decline in vaccination rates, increasing the risk of outbreaks of polio, rabies, pneumococcus, and rotavirus, while a lack of epidemiological surveillance amidst the growing spread of cholera heightens the risk of an imminent health disaster.[38] Children are disproportionately affected by cholera, malnutrition, and preventable diseases; reports indicate that 32% of children under five suffer from illness during two weeks of data collection, suggesting a severe public health emergency.[39] To mitigate the risk of further burden on the healthcare sector, officials can prioritize children aged between zero and five in a national vaccination campaign to prevent the outbreak of diseases. Meanwhile, the deployment of temporary clinics and mobile medical teams, and integration of drone technology for medication distribution in remote areas, would help improve Haiti’s healthcare through enhanced logistical efficiency.[40]


The growing security crisis over the past several years has had a particularly damaging impact on vulnerable communities. It has exacerbated sexual and gender-based violence (GBV), creating an urgent need for vital services that include safe shelters, mental support, and trauma care. According to MSF, gang violence has left women increasingly exposed to sexual violence. In 2022, incidents of sexual violence involving strangers and multiple perpetrators increased.[41] Following these attacks, victims are physically and psychologically traumatized, necessitating immediate medical and psychological care. However, there are few emergency care centers available for victims of sexual or GBV, and they often have limited capacity or exclude outpatients who have children or certain medical conditions.[42] As the head of the Haiti mission for MSF, Diana Manilla Arroyo reports, over 4,000 survivors were seeking care in 2024 compared to 1,700 in 2022.[43] Many victims are unable to access timely support because they must travel further for care and fear passing through gang-controlled areas, resulting in re-victimization.[44] Communities most affected by this violence urgently need medical and psychological care. Survivors require comprehensive care in facilities well-supported by substantial resources. Failures to provide proper care can lead to consequences that extend beyond those immediately apparent in the aftermath of a violent incident. According to the WHO, women who have suffered sexual violence are twice as likely to have an abortion. Unsafe abortions conducted in resource-poor locations have high incidences of maternal mortality and can lead to negative reproductive consequences for survivors.[45]


The security crisis has impacted Haiti’s National Police force, as officers face threats from gangs, leading Gerry Jean Baptiste, leader of one of Haiti’s most powerful unions, to call on government officials to take the insecurity more seriously and provide more equipment and backup.[46] Despite the international community providing training and other resources, long-term issues persist in the police force. Authorities leave salaries unpaid, fail to provide healthcare, and equip officers with outdated and substandard equipment. The academy offers no additional training after graduation.[47] Allegations of corruption mar the force because certain officers collude with gangs.[48] At the same time, local officers are increasingly joining vigilante groups. Reportedly,  the Haitian police have carried out a large number of extrajudicial killings involving suspected gang members.[49] In 2024, there were 281 summary executions, which included women and children.[50]


Gangs target journalists by threatening, attacking, kidnapping, and assassinating them, knowing that the authorities do not have the means of providing security to the media personnel.[51] There have been several attacks at major media stations such as Radio Télévision Caraïbes, Radio Mélodie, and Télé Pluriel to prevent them from broadcasting any news about the ongoing situations in Haiti.[52] These attacks have forced several media outlets to choose to run online and continue their work.[53]


Despite the intervention of the international community in curbing gang violence, the governance system of Haiti is not able to establish effective control. One reason for this is that foreign interventions have had a troubling history involving excessive force against civilians, personnel triggering the cholera epidemic in 2010, and sexual abuse and exploitation by UN peacekeepers.[54] The Brazilian-led UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) was known for such incidents; in one case, while carrying out anti-gang raids, MINUSTAH used excessive force, unleashing 22,000 bullets, 78 grenades, and five mortars that killed more than 20 women and children in their homes.[55] In 2004, following the coup in Haiti, the UN deployed the MINUSTAH to carry out a thirteen-year peacekeeping mission.[56] Later, the Mission deployed peacekeepers to restore law and order, strengthen the national police force, and assist with reconstruction efforts after the devastating 2010 earthquake.[57] Currently, after the failure to control the gang violence and governance, the Haitian government and civil society representatives sent a request to the UN.[58] The UN passed the resolution on October 2, 2023, authorizing the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti.[59] In April 2024, the prime minister resigned from his office and is currently stranded in Puerto Rico. Gangs continue to operate unchecked in local communities and hoard emergency supplies and aid by international organizations like the WFP.[60] The UN deployed the Kenyan-led MSS in June 2024, with fewer than 1000 personnel, to tackle gang dominance and governance.[61] After one year, the gang violence in Haiti was still unchanged, showing the failure of the MSS to complete their objective.[62] The recent UN resolution adopted on 30 September 2025 will replace the current MSS with a new Gang Suppression Force (GSF) co-sponsored by the US and Panama.[63] The global community, including the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), supported this resolution.[64]


Analysis 

The closure of the emergency center in Turgeau, Port-au-Prince, will almost certainly force its patients and locals to seek hospitals outside Turgeau and the emergency care center in Drouillard. Limited functioning hospitals in the area will likely cause displacement from Turgeau to the surrounding regions and beyond. While this displacement will very likely burden these hospitals, considering the increase in patient capacity, the movement of people will likely make them more vulnerable to gang violence. The patients and people incapable of traveling longer distances will likely become susceptible to infections and other diseases, worsening the health crises. G9 and G-Pèp coalitions will likely exploit this situation to leverage and monetize medicines and other medical supplies to maintain their control over the local population and disconnect them from the MSF health centers. Gangs will likely take control of medicines, oxygen cylinders, fuel, and other necessary commodities, which will increase the prices and disrupt critical services. Healthcare facilities will unlikely improve without security guarantees and accessibility to affordable amenities, like fuel or oxygen.


The closure of the care center in Turgeau will likely force MSF staff to navigate more routes to transfer critical patients in the nearby hospitals, irrespective of their affiliation with MSF. Gangs targeting MSF ambulances will very likely hinder their efforts of safe transfer and threaten the operations of other active hospitals. The increase in targeting of MSF vehicles will likely create a disconnect between active hospitals and the Turgeau center, forcing the remaining hospitals to reduce their transportation usage. This threat of being targeted will likely make other active hospitals prioritize their own operations and functioning in a restricted area of their jurisdiction.


The gangs will very likely shift their focus to the emergency care center in Drouillard and the trauma center in Tabarre based on their increased importance to the local population and the functioning of MSF. Gangs will likely target medical personnel and block emergency aid sent by international organizations to put additional pressure on these centers and disrupt their operations. The gangs will likely kidnap personnel and block medical aid to secure healthcare for their own gang members. The increase in targeting of these centers and their staff, with an increase in patient arrivals, will very likely make MSF consider a temporary shutdown or reduce the functionality of these centers to protect their staff. Gang dominance will very likely cause an exodus of healthcare staff, prevent patients from traveling to hospitals or clinics, and lead to the closure of more facilities in Port-au-Prince, straining the under-resourced healthcare sector and reducing available medical services.

The healthcare system in Haiti will unlikely improve without humanitarian aid and international intervention. Targeted violence by gangs like G-Pèp, the G9, 400 Mawozo, Nan Brooklyn, Viv Ansanm, and Gan Grif, against MSF aid workers, health workers, and ambulances will very likely continue to affect services, degrading emergency care. Displacement among Haitians and disease outbreaks will very likely increase if the healthcare infrastructure remains disrupted. As a result of Internal displacement, cholera outbreaks will likely intensify, and malnutrition levels will likely rise.

Continued gang control in Port-au-Prince will very likely intensify levels of sexual and gender-based violence (GBV). Armed groups will almost certainly use rape and coercion as tools of domination and punishment, particularly as territorial conflicts escalate. This rise in GBV will very likely increase the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, almost certainly overloading Haiti's medical services due to the need for testing, treatment, and long-term care. Forced pregnancies will very likely increase, placing women and girls at heightened risk of maternal complications, unsafe abortions, and psychological trauma. Required specialized care will unlikely be consistently available, likely leaving victims untreated, and worsening physical and mental health outcomes.


Attacks on critical infrastructure, such as health care and previously unaffected sectors, will likely become frequent as gangs will likely continue to entrench themselves in Haiti while gaining influence in political discussions. Powerful gangs, such as the Viv Ansanm coalition, will likely leverage their political ties with parties to quash attempts to restore state control. Perceived legitimacy and influence over political negotiations will likely cause gangs to become more brazen, increasing attacks on critical infrastructure over time if their power remains unchecked.


Global media attention to this crisis will likely improve the chances of receiving international funding and weaken gang influence. The Haitian media will likely choose to advocate for Haitian security and on-the-field reporting of gang violence through social media to reach an international audience. NGOs and international organizations will likely act as a medium between Haitian media and global media houses to increase the outreach of media coverage.  

Community efforts to restore peace with the gangs will unlikely be a long-term solution, as there are no security guarantees in place. In the next six to 12 months, without improved access to healthcare and an increase in gang control, the situation will very likely reach dire levels. This could likely increase NGO withdrawals and shutdown of emergency centers, likely perpetuating this cycle of violence and instability. Gang control will likely intensify without intentional and coordinated security assistance, as well as the involvement of the local governments. International organizations, such as MSF, will unlikely be willing to set up new emergency centers or reopen older ones in conflict zones unless there are some sort of safety guarantees.


Weak police leadership and corruption will very likely continue to lead to a criminalization of healthcare, as attacks on healthcare facilities, staff, and patients show. The increasing rate of widespread attacks on communities and forced displacements of families will almost certainly necessitate the need for healthcare in communities deeply affected by violence. As more patients attend NGO healthcare facilities that offer a range of services for little to no cost, vigilante groups and police will very likely target these facilities, suspecting that the patients are associated with gangs. State authorities will likely be reluctant to provide security to aid humanitarian organizations that offer medical assistance due to an unwillingness to respect the neutrality of these organizations' mandates for medical action or suspicions that the organizations are biased or affiliated with particular gangs.


Due to the nature of the security instability, Blue Helmets' operations would very likely be insufficient to address protection for every health center or new NGO operating in Haiti. The deployed personnel will very unlikely actively combat the gang coalitions. There is a roughly even chance that international medical aid NGOs play a bigger role in Haiti with the reopening of missions or the reopening and opening of new centers by MSF. Future aid will very likely pass through the UN scrutiny and structure, turning the UN troops into the key actors in the stabilization and humanitarian aid. Gang coalitions will almost certainly target future Blue Helmets troops through guerrilla warfare mechanisms.


Without stringent human rights safeguards in place, the new force will almost certainly risk operating with impunity and repeating human rights abuses as happened in the past from other UN-led foreign intervention forces in Haiti. The GSF’s power to arrest gang members will unlikely make a difference in countering criminal organizations if they do not uphold civil liberties. Courts will likely throw out cases and evidence when officers violate a suspect’s human rights during an arrest. Failure to secure funding from other UN member states will likely reduce the effectiveness of the intervention force over time, making it too understaffed, under-equipped, and underfunded to handle the challenges in the security environment.


Recommendations 

The Counterterrorism Group (CTG) recommends that MSF and other humanitarian health actors train residents in disease prevention, sanitation, and first aid. Authorities should implement measures to ensure care continues despite humanitarian aid workers being unavailable due to withdrawal. They should distribute hygiene kits, fuel, and medical resources to improve long-term social conditions that influence health outcomes. MSF and other humanitarian health organizations should implement strategies to maintain operations in high-risk areas while protecting their personnel, such as deploying mobile medical teams capable of relocating to different areas, jointly with security teams.

NGOs should provide access to potable water, sanitation, and healthcare to prevent the spread of cholera and other diseases. They should invest in long-term and sustainable water supply systems, to rehabilitate local wells and support rainwater harvesting initiatives. Humanitarian health actors should engage in community water management training, promote hygiene education, and work with local health actors to teach preventative practices such as improving household ventilation to reduce the transmission of airborne diseases. MSF and other NGOs, along with the local government, should rally for protected corridors to ensure there are no blocks to critical sites like hospitals, market areas, gas stations, and pharmacies. The international humanitarian agency Goal should work closely with local stakeholders and gangs to establish humanitarian corridors. They should try to negotiate with armed groups that maintain roadblocks, allowing ad-hoc safe passage for fuel and medical supplies to meet the needs of the population.

The police should support humanitarian operations by enabling NGOs to negotiate access with gangs. The police should refrain from entering negotiation spaces to preserve humanitarian neutrality and recognize NGO’s as independent bodies to reduce tension from gangs. The police should dedicate focus and effort to safeguarding healthcare delivery. They should secure access routes and provide perimeter security for medical facilities and convoys. Police coordination should share risk assessments and establish rapid response mechanisms in the event of attacks on healthcare personnel or infrastructure. The police force should provide intelligence on safe windows for movement.

International organizations, NGOs, along with neighboring countries like the USA and Caribbean states, should collaborate to address the security architecture of Haiti by supporting the current government to effectively exert control and governance in the country. Creating a stronger communication link between the government and the locals should help establish a stronger framework for addressing the gang violence at the ground level. The government should strengthen its democratic practices and reform its internal administration by promoting transparency and accountability to enhance unity between the local population and the government during their efforts to control gang activities. Caribbean states should create additional international coalitions and agreements on health support to address the spread of mass migration and the collapse of other health centers in the Caribbean region, and the increase in illegal activities in the region.

The US, Caribbean states, and newly established GSF should increase border security, both maritime and air. The UN peace troops should launch a further active combat against armed groups and gangs, to effectively apply the UN arms embargo and not only limited to the security of humanitarian aid. Countries in the region should discuss creating a special UN naval task force to secure the Haitian coasts. The Dominican Republic and other regional states should deploy naval operations to intercept arms trafficking by sea. International organizations should ensure UN-sponsored and Kenyan-led gang suppression forces are well-trained in UN principles, human rights laws, prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse, and in civilians and child protection. There should be an independent mechanism to address complaints, investigate all allegations of human rights violations, and determine the appropriate course of action for redress. This mechanism should refer individual cases to a Haitian civilian court or any jurisdiction of a country providing personnel for investigation and, where applicable, prosecution. Haitian civil society organizations should play a role in the inquiry and oversight of GSF activities at set intervals to ensure compliance with international human rights norms and standards.

[1] Haiti, generated by a third party database

[2] Doctors Without Borders permanently closes its emergency center iitsn Haiti’s capital, AP, October 2025, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-msf-doctors-without-borders-center-closes-violence-68595071309e258e9c67ca233eb31822

[3] Ibid

[4] MSF announces permanent closure of our Turgeau emergency centre in Port-au-Prince, Médecins Sans Frontières, October 2025, www.msf.org/msf-announces-permanent-closure-our-turgeau-emergency-centre-port-au-prince

[5] Haiti's gangs have 'near-total control' of the capital, U.N. says, NPR, July 2025, https://www.npr.org/2025/07/03/nx-s1-5455540/haiti-gangs-capital-poargetrt-au-prince-significantviolence

[6] ‘Attacks fon staff are common’: Inside hospital saving Haiti’s malnourished children, Sky News, May 2025, /news.sky.com/story/the-staff-crossing-gang-lines-to-battle-malnutrition-and-cholera-in-haiti-capital-13371980

[7] Armed Gang Violence in Haiti and the Medication Shortage: Acting Quickly to Save Lives, International Journal of Public Health, June 2025,

[8] UN ends peacekeeping mission in Haiti, DW, October 2019, https://www.dw.com/en/un-ends-peacekeeping-mission-in-haiti-as-protests-continue/a-50849689 

[9] Armed Gang Violence in Haiti and the Medication Shortage: Acting Quickly to Save Lives, International Journal of Public Health, June 2025,

[10] Haiti: Gangs have ‘more firepower than the police’, UN News, April 2024, https://news.un.org/en/story/2024/04/1148231 

[11] Third Generation Gangs Subject Bibliography No. 2: Haitian Gangs. Small Wars Journal. March 2025.

[12] Crisis in Haiti: What to know, Doctors Without Borders, January 2025, https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/crisis-haiti-what-know

[13] Ibid.

[14] MSF vehicles shot during hospital evacuation amid escalating violence in Port-au-Prince, Médecins Sans Frontières, March 2025, https://www.msf.org/msf-vehicles-shot-during-hospital-evacuation-amid-escalating-violence-port-au-prince-haiti

[16] Ibid

[17] Ibid

[18] Medical needs in Haiti remain high as MSF moves into next crucial phase, Médecins Sans Frontières, March 2010 https://www.msf.org/medical-needs-haiti-remain-high-msf-moves-next-crucial-phase

[19] Haiti: MSF trauma hospital in Port-au-Prince nears limits,Médecins Sans Frontières, May 2025, https://www.doctorswithoutborders.ca/haiti-msf-trauma-hospital-in-port-au-prince-nears-limits/

[20]Medical needs in Haiti remain high as MSF moves into next crucial phase,Médecins Sans Frontières, March 2010 https://www.msf.org/medical-needs-haiti-remain-high-msf-moves-next,-crucial-phas

[21]Haiti violence pushes MSF trauma hospital to its limits.,Médecins Sans Frontières, May 2025,  https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/haiti-violence-pushes-msf-trauma-hospital-its-limits

[22] Haiti: MSF supports the reopening of a major maternity hospital in the capital, Médecins Sans Frontières, October 2025, https://msf.lu/en/articles/haiti-msf-soutient-la-reouverture-dune-importante-materwest hemispherenite-port-au-princthe 2021 earthquake has severely impactede

[23]Haiti, Médecins Sans Frontières , https://www.msf.org/haiti

[24] Aid in the crosshairs: Why access is growing harder in Haiti, The New Humanitarian, January 2025, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/interview/2025/01/28/aid-crosshairs-why-access-growing-harder-haiti

[25] Haiti reaches ‘yet another crisis point’ as gangs tighten their grip, UN News, March 2025, https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/03/1161696 

[26] When medical care comes under attack, Médecins Sans Frontières, April 2021 https://www.msf.org/attacks-medical-care

[27] Ibid

[28] People and the health system are trapped in escalating violence in Haiti, Médecins Sans Frontières, October 2025,

[29] Violence and threats by police force MSF to suspend activities in Port-au-Prince metropolitan area, Médecins Sans Frontières, November 2024, https://www.msf.org/violence-and-threats-police-force-msf-suspend-activities-port-au-prince-metropolitan-area-haiti

[30] Haiti: Gangs attack UN helicopter as violence surges, DW, October 2024, www.dw.com/en/haiti-gangs-attack-un-helicopter-as-violence-surges/a-70594862

[31] Aid in the crosshairs: Why access is growing harder in Haiti, The New Humanitarian, January 2025, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/interview/2025/01/28/aid-crosshairs-why-access-,,Novembergrowing-harder-haiti

[32] Violence and threats by police force MSF to suspend activities in Port-au-Prince metropolitan area, Médecins Sans Frontières, November 2024, https://www.msf.org/violence-and-threats-police-force-msf-suspend-activities-port-au-prince-metropolitan-area-haiti

[33] MSF outraged by police attack on ambulance and execution of patients in Haiti, Médecins Sans Frontières, November 2024,

[34] Ibid

[35] Crisis in Haiti: What to know, Médecins Sans Frontières, January 2025, https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/crisis-haiti-what-know 

[36] Ibid

[37]Haiti health system nears collapse as medicine dwindles, gangs attack hospitals and ports stay shut, AP, April 2024, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-medical-crisis-gangs-medicine-shortage-dc786ed53e66b6081515474b5b310525

[38] Armed Gang Violence in Haiti and the Medication Shortage: Acting Quickly to Save Lives, AP, June 2025, https://www.ssph-journal.org/journals/international-journal-of-public-health/articles/10.3389/ijph.2025.1608510/full

[39] Haiti: A deepening public health crisis - January 2025, REACH, February 2025, https://repository.impact-initiatives.org/document/impact/effec060/REACH_GLO_-Public-Health-Brief-Haiti_February-2025.pdf 

[40] Ibid

[41] Haiti: A call to support survivors of sexual violence, Médecins Sans Frontières, January 2025, https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/haiti-call-support-survivors-sexual-violence

[42] Ibid

[43] Aid in the crosshairs: Why access is growing harder in Haiti, The New Humanitarian, January 2025, www.thenewhumanitarian.org/interview/2025/01/28/aid-crosshairs-why-access-growing-harder-haiti

[44] Aid in the crosshairs: Why access is growing harder in Haiti, The New Humanitarian, January 2025, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/interview/2025/01/28/aid-crosshairs-why-access-growing-harder-haiti

[45] Sexual and gender-based violence,Médecins Sans Frontières, 2025, https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/medical-issues/sexual-and-gender-based-violence

[46] A police union in Haiti demands more protection after gangs kill a Kenyan police officer, AP, February 2025, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-police-union-gangs-violence-8513c01e665818f252c881681ce9c6e9

[47] Haitian leaders oust police chief and appoint a new one as gang violence claims officers’ lives, Ap, June 2024, https://apnews.com/article/haiti-police-chief-ousted-replaced-gangs-036106ec40a55acb6a59eab25faf7c90

[48] Ibid

[49] Haiti's gangs have 'near-total control' of the capital, U.N. says, NPR, July 2025, https://www.npr.org/2025/07/03/nx-s1-5455540/haiti-gangs-capital-poargetrt-au-prince-violence

[50] Ibid

[51] THE AMERICAS Haiti, Reporters Without Borders, https://rsf.org/en/country-haiti

[52] Haitian media struggle to survive in face of attacks, revenue collapse, UN News, March 2025, https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/03/1161256

[53] Ibid

[54] Haiti: Open Letter to all Members of the Security Council regarding the Development of an International Security Force in Haiti, Amnesty International, August 2023, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr36/7122/2023/en/

[56] Criminal Violence in Haiti, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2025, https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/instability-haiti

[57] Criminal Violence in Haiti, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2025,

[58] Security Council authorizes ‘historic’ support mission in Haiti, UN News, October 2023,

[59] Ibid

[60] Who Are the Gangs That Have Overrun Haiti’s Capital?, The New York Times, March 2024, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/07/world/americas/haiti-gangs-explainer.html

[61] Kenya-led anti-gang mission in Haiti ends with mixed results, Le Monde, October 2025, https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2025/10/02/kenya-led-anti-gang-mission-in-haiti-ends-with-mixed-results_6746015_4.html

[62] Haiti’s Security Crisis: The Multinational Mission’s Role and What Comes Next,  US Institute of Peace, January 2025,

[63] The United States Votes to Establish a Haiti Gang Suppressand ion Force: Now What?, Center For Strategic and International Studies, October 2025,

[64] Ibid

 
 

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